Manual Rebuilding the Left

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With most fuel in the area burned up, Paradise will probably be safe from fire for awhile, but not forever, and the rest of the state is at risk much of the year. Butte county has begun advising residents on what to do when they return, though they acknowledge that could be weeks or months away.

There is almost no gas, electricity or safe water, and no emergency services, although the police station and fire station survived, as did the town hall.

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Once residents are permitted to return, few will have anywhere to stay. Because it was a fire that destroyed the town, chances of successful rebuilding are much higher compared with other disasters, Olshansky said, thanks to insurance. Support from the state and federal government, through loans and funding from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, will aid the town in its recovery, including constructing new public buildings. Paradise unified school district, which lost at least three of its nine schools, with others sustaining significant damage, will rebuild.

Until students can return to schools that are still standing, the district is looking at online programs, Superintendent Michelle John said, and other school districts have volunteered to take additional students. Schools are key, Olshansky said; residents typically return to areas hit by disaster if schools continue to operate. The damage to Paradise is estimated to be at least two to three times what Santa Rosa experienced, the mayor, Jody Jones, said.

The town is working on streamlining the process of building inspections and permits, the mayor said, and looking at how it can support small businesses, which have a high bankruptcy rate after disasters. Thinking about it long-term is tough, the mayor added, but the town — even though every council member, 17 police officers, and dozens of firefighters lost their homes along with thousands of others — will rebuild. They plan on returning. Log out of ReadCube.

Rebuilding the Left | D&R - Kültür, Sanat ve Eğlence Dünyası

Volume 28 , Issue 1. The full text of this article hosted at iucr. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username. Diana Raby University of Liverpool Search for more papers by this author. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access.

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Share full text access. Please review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article. Get access to the full version of this article. View access options below. You previously purchased this article through ReadCube. Although this was less developed in by the Labour Party, what there was of even the latter aspect of it was destroyed by Blair and to some extent even Kinnock before him — the Labour Party conference was sidelined because it was too radical in the s.

So the very creation of the class to some extent was done by parties. Moreover, since class struggle is resolved at the level of the state, parties are essential for bringing together the disparate demands of working-class people and other demands that arise in society, and carrying them in a coherent manner into the state. All too often that has not involved transforming the state. Nor does it involve dealing with the deep division of labour that exists within most state organizations.

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LP : …would be to address that. I think it is crucial people here in Britain to reclaim what was the project of the s, inside the Labour Party and to some extent outside the Labour Party. Now there was a lot of flakiness at that time there was a lot of political fixing, a lot of infighting inside the party, and there was Militant deploying archaic Bolshevik language and tactics.

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But although they had all kinds of limitations of their own, the Bennite movement, the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy, the municipal socialism that believe it or not people like Blunkett were leading up in Yorkshire in the s — these were about saying that the state and the party are not democratic and that the only way we are going to be able to hold on to the old reforms and go beyond them to put socialism back on the agenda must involve democratizing the party in order to democratise the state. I believe was correct and indeed John Holloway who today speaks of changing the world without taking power, was part of this thrust as a key figure of what was called the London Edinburgh Weekend Return Group….

LP : Yes, and it was extremely creative in terms of the idea of getting into the state, whether at the municipal level or at the national level, precisely in order to refashion the state in such a way that inside the state you continue to be a class organizer. You can use the resources of the state to organize the unorganized to give them capacity to struggle against you inside the state, to push you inside the state.

This was a central theme in the s of the Workers Party of Brazil, which put itself forward as a post-Leninist, post-social democratic party precisely in these terms, although it later turned into a typical social democratic party. But what needs to be revived, is just this sort of Bennite image of renewing class politics as transformative democratic politics.

Now they wanted to begin democratizing the Labour party, which I never thought you could, do. I thought you could raise this type of political orientation in the Party but that the Party would inevitably split and that this would render it electorally unviable for a long period — and this would be used to close down the debate, which is indeed what occurred. Some of us tried an independent socialist politics that involved building new independent socialist parties.

We had successes in places, not in building parties, but building a new base for this. LP : In Ottawa for instance I was part of the Ottawa Committee for Labour Action that built very strong links with newly organized public sector unions. We kept waiting for a new party formation to come along that we could attach our public sector base to: teachers, nurses, postal workers, public employees generally.

It never came along so we tried to do it ourselves in the early 80s, bringing together the very broad left in Ontario to very successful, non-sectarian conference to this end. But others did and I admire them, they were very committed people. And that too has failed. I mean they still hang on in the Socialist Workers Party. And they can have an impact to some extent. I hope that your generation will be able to get past this. And I think conditions are increasingly there for you to succeed, partly because I its clear your generation will not set out to build a better type of Leninism.

LP : Yes. We need to be actually developing the types of organizations which are permanent, in which people develop the capacities to be political actors in a more permanent way. LP : Membership organizations, dues paying organizations, educational organizations, and organizations that are prepared, not just to make proposals to the state, but to risk going into the state.

Maybe at first at the municipal level. Not at all. EL : So this is a type of capacity-building politics you are concerned with at the party and at the union level.

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And you think that there are bases there in society which may feed into this, you are hopeful of that. LP : I have no doubt that we will see through the 21st Century repeated attempts in places across the world to do this. I have no doubt whatsoever. But that the attempts will be made — I have no doubt.

The important thing therefore is to try to put as much useful thought as we can into trying to make them successful. LP : One of the crucial things has to do with the division of labour and the way that interacts with the new modes of communication. Young people today need to go back and read a very important book and very few people took it seriously on the revolutionary left written during World War One by Roberto Michels, who ended up being a fascist but who at that time was a social democrat.

One of the things we need to ask, without being technologically determinist, is whether the new modes of communication of the type that you are engaged in, provide a means of helping us overcome that old division of labour in working-class organizations. LP : One of the lessons I would want to draw is: be careful of what your demands are.

When I was your age, when capitalism was approaching full employment in the s, we felt very confident about our ability to make any wage demand we wanted, because even if that bankrupted our employer we could pick up another job down the road. And if our bosses told us to work harder we were quite prepared to tell them to fuck off because we thought we could pick up a job very easily.

So we need to think very carefully about what we want to win in the current context. EL : And that relates not so much to the fees issue in any case, does it — it relates to the division of funds and the withdrawal of the teaching grant. LP : Exactly. Globalization has essentially been about the creation of new working-classes. People say class is an old concept and fewer and fewer people are workers in the old sense — on the contrary.

There have been never so many workers on the face of the planet as there are today, even in the old sense of industrial workers or workers in factories!